Politics, Policy, and Government in British Columbia examines the political life of Canada's dynamic Pacific province. Each of the seventeen chapters, written by well-known experts, provides an up-to-date portrait and analysis of one of the many faces of B.C. politics. Taken together they provide a clear and comprehensive overview of the dominant themes and issues that have been the distinguishing features of the province's political life.
"This guide presents the most current research and findings about the challenges governments around the world are now placing on small business IT entrepreneurs and how they are providing increased resources to support this emphasis. Described are how organizations and society rely heavily on virtual technologies for communication and how information management has presented government officials and information resource management practitioners alike with a variety of challenges associated with managing resources and applications in the world economy. Topics covered include federal agency intranets, concerns and solutions for electronic voting systems adoption, using the web for enhanced decision making, and the role of the virtual
Boundaries between business and government are increasingly fluid and often transcended. Yet it remains important to acknowledge and make appropriate use of the fundamental differences between these sectors. Five areas that offer the most critical challenges to business and government in Canada today are corporate governance, lobbying and influence, security and privacy, public-private partnerships, and geography and development. This book is an exploration of the systemic dynamics of the inter-sectoral governance that shape the collective performance of Canada's national jurisdiction. Three perspectives of the relational dynamics between business and government, drawn from leading Canadian scholars, are adopted in order to frame the examination of independence, influence, and interdependence. This book makes a case for the advancement of “virtuous hybrids,” while pointing out the challenges that remain in terms of the formation and successful performance of such hybrids in Canada, a challenge that calls for political leadership as well as social learning. An informed and engaged public, wearing multiple hats (i.e. as voter, shareholder, employee, activist etc.) would be the ultimate arbiter of sectoral and collective performance.
"Manitoba Politics and Government "brings together the work of political scientists, historians, sociologists, economists, public servants, and journalists to present a comprehensive analysis of the province's political life and its careful "mutual fund model" approach to economic and social policy that mirrors the steady and cautious nature of its citizens.
"We need a simple government. Don't get me wrong; I know that many of the nation's problems are highly complex. But I also know that the governing principles that can solve them, if we work together, are simple." Armed with little money but a lot of common sense, former Arkansas Governor Mike Huckabee surprised the nation by coming in second during the 2008 Republican presidential primaries. He connected with millions of voters by calling for a smaller, simpler government that would get out of the way when appropriate. (Unfortunately, there weren't quite enough of those voters to prevent the election of Barack Obama.) Since then, President Obama's message has morphed from "hope and change" to "tax and spend" and "borrow and spend" and "over-regulate and spend." The stimulus failed to stop the recession, the deficit exploded to unimaginable heights, and the Democrats jammed through Congress a financial "reform" bill that didn't really reform anything and a healthcare monstrosity that gave the government more power over our personal lives than ever. Meanwhile, Huckabee has continued to be the voice of common sense conservatism, through his television talk show, his radio commentaries, and his lectures around the country. Now he's written a book that sums up the twelve things we really need from Washington to get the country back on the right track. These twelve essential truths will have you nodding in agreement, whether you're a Republican, an Independent, or even an open-minded Democrat. They can help us put aside our differences, tone down the partisan rancor, and return to the simple principles of the Founding Fathers: liberty, justice, personal freedom, and civic virtue. And they can help us tackle even the most seemingly complicated of today's problems. For instance: * You can't spend what you don't have; you can't borrow what you can't pay back. Families, businesses, towns, cities, and states all have to balance their budgets or face dire consequences. Why shouldn't the federal government be held to the same standard? And if that means making some hard choices now, it's a far better alternative than saddling our kids and grandkids. * The further you drift from shore, the more likely you are to be lost at sea. The Founders expected the federal government to be subordinate to state and local governments. How can politicians in DC know the best way to help farmers in Iowa, autoworkers in Michigan, or teachers in California? They can't. So every problem should be solved at the most local level capable of solving it. * Bullies in the playground only understand one thing. There's a time and place for diplomacy, but we can't protect the country just by negotiating with our enemies. We need a strong national defense and a counterterrorism policy that focuses on effectiveness, not political correctness. * The most important form of government is the family. In the long run, the only way to ensure prosperity, safety, and equal opportunity is to make sure we raise our children to be ethical and productive citizens. No bureaucracy can replace parents in that essential role, so we have to do everything possible to help parents do their job. A Simple Government will inspire any American looking forward to a better future.
How do political appointees try to gain control of the Washington bureaucracy? How do high-ranking career bureaucrats try to ensure administrative continuity? The answers are sought in this analysis of the relations between appointees and bureaucrats that uses the participants' own words to describe the imperatives they face and the strategies they adopt. Shifting attention away form the well-publicized actions of the President, High Heclo reveals the little-known everyday problems of executive leadership faced by hundreds of appointees throughout the executive branch. But he also makes clear why bureaucrats must deal cautiously with political appointees and with a civil service system that offers few protections for broad-based careers of professional public service. The author contends that even as political leadership has become increasingly bureaucratized, the bureaucracy has become more politicized. Political executives—usually ill-prepared to deal effectively with the bureaucracy—often fail to recognize that the real power of the bureaucracy is not its capacity for disobedience or sabotage but its power to withhold services. Statecraft for political executives consists of getting the changes they want without losing the bureaucratic services they need. Heclo argues further that political executives, government careerists, and the public as well are poorly served by present arrangements for top-level government personnel. In his view, the deficiencies in executive politics will grow worse in the future. Thus he proposes changes that would institute more competent management of presidential appointments, reorganize the administration of the civil service personnel system, and create a new Federal Service of public managers.
'Alberto Brugnoli and Alessandro Colombo have put together an important collection of essays on government and governance in Italy and Britain. This richly documented comparative study proposes to answer two key questions: how does the change from government to governance emerge, and what enables this transformation to survive and even to displace State-centric solutions to public policy issues? The book will be a milestone in highlighting the distinctive and original role of the principle of subsidiarity, in examining and assessing governance regimes, their philosophy and their organizational choices and in linking subsidiarity with the prospects of freedom, responsibility and self-governing societies in the modern world. I know of no other book that brings the principle of subsidiarity to the frontier of the most current research in social science.' – Filippo Sabetti, McGill University, Canada This unique and original book focuses on institutional changes, welfare reforms and transformations in both Britain and Italy over the last three decades. The book illustrates that although it was a widely held belief in both countries that the arena of social and economic governance would shift to the national level, to the surprise of many, a different trend has emerged. In otherwise very different national experiences, both Britain and Italy have seen the sub-national level of governance become crucial in redefining public services, and in designing, delivering, and monitoring key services. The expert contributors use a distinctive and original principle – subsidiarity – as a lens through which to examine and assess these governance regimes, their philosophies, and their organizational choices. Academics, researchers and students of social policy, public policy, public administration and regional studies will find this book to be a highly fascinating read. It will also provide a wealth of information for policymakers and think tanks.
A reader that brings together some of the key writings and writers in contemporary political science. The 40 articles and extracts are arranged in four parts: theories of politics; the British political system; the American political system; and the Soviet political system in perspective. For undergraduate students of political science. Distributed in the US and Canada by St. Martin's Press. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
This provocative book argues that Australia is already a federal republic rather than a constitutional monarchy. While the book does not deny the parliamentary and monarchic elements of the Australian system, it calls for a positive reassessment of the constitution. Brian Galligan forcefully argues that the Australian constitution has primacy over the other political institutions of the nation. The book considers fundamental issues such as the role of the Senate, the possibility of a bill of rights, the way in which the High Court fits into the current system, and the nature of intergovernmental relations. This book will overturn the orthodoxies of much informed opinion, and will challenge republicans and monarchists alike. Brian Galligan's unique perspective as a political scientist throws new light on many constitutional aspects of federalism and will stimulate wide debate.